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‘This is the end of my presidency. I’m fucked.' - A Yellow Wall Nightmare

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Offline Athos_131

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When General Flynn has been made whole in every way, I will be partially satisfied

'I did meet with Putin': Dem report highlights Flynn exchange after 2015 trip

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Shortly after he returned from Moscow in 2015, former national security adviser Michael Flynn told a business associate that he met with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

“I had an interesting trip to Moscow (I did meet with Putin)," Flynn wrote in the Dec. 16, 2015 email, obtained by investigators on the House Oversight Committee.

Flynn famously was seated next to Putin at a gala hosted by Russia Today in Moscow that month. Both men have insisted, when asked, that they exchanged brief pleasantries but had no substantive discussions. And a lawyer for Flynn, who is awaiting sentencing for lying to the FBI during its investigation of Russian interference in the 2016 election, said nothing about the newly unearthed email that undercuts this argument.

"Special counsel investigated all of this. There's nothing there," said his attorney, Sidney Powell, in an email. "It's just renewed efforts by the Democrats to smear a great man. Please also recall that he was briefed and debriefed by DIA before and after his trip."

The email was revealed as part of a broader investigation on the corporate and foreign entanglements with the White House's push to ship nuclear technology to Saudi Arabia. Flynn, at the time of his trip to Moscow, was an adviser on a corporate plan to bring dozens of nuclear reactors to the Middle East. The committee documented Flynn's plans to bring up the project to associates in Russia.

The Oversight Committee's new report describes rampant foreign influence seeping into decision-making inside the White House. An initial report on the matter in February described concerns among whistleblowers that corporate and foreign interests had circumvented traditional foreign policymaking in order to influence Trump's plans to share nuclear technology with Saudi Arabia. The committee says it's received 60,000 additional pages of information since then that add substantial heft to those concerns.

"Overall, the new documents obtained by the Committee reveal that, with regard to Saudi Arabia, the Trump Administration has virtually obliterated the lines normally separating government policymaking from corporate and foreign interests," the committee staff wrote, adding, "These new documents raise serious questions about whether the White House is willing to place the potential profits of the President’s friends above the national security of the American people and the universal objective of preventing the spread of nuclear weapons.”

The report chronicled efforts by IP3, a consortium of private companies interested in building nuclear plants in Saudi Arabia, to use high-level connections in the Trump White House to circumvent foreign policy decision-makers and exert influence on Trump's decision-making. Top officials had access to a wide range of senior Trump administration officials, from cabinet secretaries to White House advisers, Democrats found.

The committee report focuses in particular on the access that longtime Trump associate Tom Barrack enjoyed to the president.

"A key component of Mr. Barrack’s plan, which he called the Middle East Marshall Plan, was to purchase Westinghouse Electric Company—the only U.S. manufacturer of large-scale nuclear reactors—using significant Saudi and Emirati capital, but with enough U.S. ownership to bypass scrutiny from [federal overseers]," Democrats found.

The documents obtained by Democrats also revealed that Barrack solicited feedback on a draft speech Trump was scheduled to give in May 2016 from a UAE businessman, who in turn passed the draft around to Emirati and Saudi officials. Barrack shared the feedback with then-Trump campaign official Paul Manafort.

Democrats also said the White House and federal agencies have largely refused to cooperate with the committee's investigation but that the panel was able to obtain some of the details it was seeking through "outside sources."

"Based on these communications, it appears that multiple White House officials used their personal email and text accounts rather than their official government accounts," the panel found. "These actions not only potentially violate White House policy and the Presidential Records Act, but they raise serious questions about whether records of the Trump Administration’s actions are being properly retained for use by investigators and others."

Last week, the committee authorized Chairman Elijah Cummings (D-Md.) to issue a subpoena for official communications sent by White House employees on private channels such as encrypted messaging services or through personal email and text messages.

Republicans rejected Democrats' assertions, issuing a rebuttal that called their claims inaccurate.

"The evidence shows that in the early days of the Trump Administration, IP3 attempted to excite new senior officials—including Michael Flynn and K.T. McFarland—about its proposal to place the United States as the leader in developing civilian nuclear technology in the Middle East," they wrote. "Importantly, IP3 did not successfully convince the Trump Administration to take any action. Since then, the nuclear energy technology progress relating to Saudi Arabia has been the legal process initiated during the Obama Administration and undertaken by the energy companies with the appropriate approvals by several federal agencies."

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U.S. judge rejects Roger Stone’s bid to dismiss Mueller indictment

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A federal judge cleared the way Thursday for Roger Stone to stand trial in November on charges of lying to Congress and obstructing justice, denying his motions to dismiss his indictment or find selective prosecution by former special counsel Robert S. Mueller III’s Russia probe.

U.S. District Judge Amy Berman Jackson of Washington granted Stone’s request for more access to unredacted portions of Mueller’s 448-page report regarding his case but otherwise rejected his challenges to Mueller’s authorization as special counsel, the legality of the funding for Mueller’s office and his contention he should not have been prosecuted without a referral from Congress seeking that action.

“While the Court will require the government to provide the defendant with the bulk of the material redacted from the Report of the Special Counsel that relates to him, it concludes that the defense has not identified any legal grounds that would support dismissing or enjoining this action,” Jackson wrote.

The judge concluded, “It is fair to say that Roger Stone has no one but himself to blame for the fact that he was investigated by the Department of Justice.”

Stone, 66, has pleaded not guilty to charges that he lied about his efforts to gather information about Democratic Party emails hacked by Russian operatives during the presidential campaign and released through the anti-secrecy group WikiLeaks and others.

He has been released on ­personal recognizance pending trial Nov. 5 scheduled in Washington.

Stone’s attorneys sought to toss a seven-count January indictment in which Mueller prosecutors alleged Stone was in frequent contact with members of Trump’s campaign about the WikiLeaks effort to release materials damaging to Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton before the 2016 election.

A focus of Mueller’s probe was whether Stone coordinated with WikiLeaks or its founder, Julian Assange, as it published thousands of hacked Democratic emails. Mueller’s report said investigators were “unable to resolve” aspects of the WikiLeaks release.

Stone was not charged with any crimes related to communicating with WikiLeaks about its activities, and he has repeatedly denied that he conspired with the group.

Jackson’s ruling said she found no merit in Stone’s argument that he needed the full Mueller report because it would show he had been singled out for prosecution due to his political views. Jackson wrote that “Stone puts forth absolutely no evidence that his relationship to the campaign or the candidate motivated the Special Counsel’s decision to investigate and prosecute him.”

Jackson said she also reviewed the Mueller report passages in question in chambers, which “revealed that the material defendant hoped to find under the redactions was not there.”

She added that many Trump supporters, associates and family members testified or gave information to House Intelligence Committee investigators without being charged, and that the special counsel’s specific charter was to look into links between the campaign and the Russian interference effort.

Jackson noted that Stone himself stated in public and private during the 2016 election that he was in contact with the head of WikiLeaks about its release of materials damaging to Clinton.

“There is no question that when he chose to take credit for the WikiLeaks release and to tantalize the public with hints that he had inside information about more to come, he chose to place himself directly in the vortex of the issues that became the focus of multiple law enforcement, counterintelligence, and congressional investigations,” Jackson wrote.

Stone “can hardly complain that under those circumstances, once he appeared before the Committee, his veracity, along with the veracity of other witnesses, was subject to scrutiny,” she wrote.

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Look at the Mueller Report as a Detective Story. It Will Blow Your Mind.

Quote
When the Mueller report was released, commentators reviewed it not only as a political and legal work but also as another genre: literature. In The Washington Post, Carlos Lozada described the report as “the best book by far on the workings of the Trump presidency.” Michiko Kakutani wrote in The Columbia Journalism Review that it held “the visceral drama of a detective novel, spy thriller, or legal procedural.” Laura Miller of Slate found it to be a work of “palace intrigues.”

Robert Mueller’s testimony on Capitol Hill was subjected to theater reviews, too: Political reporters speculated on the “optics” of his appearance, while President Trump declared, “This was one of the worst performances in the history of our country.”

The theatrical focus is a little much. But the literary critics are onto something. The report tells what is probably one of the biggest stories of our lifetimes — and understanding that narrative as a narrative can help make sense of the confused political moment.

Exploring the assassination of John F. Kennedy, the writer Don DeLillo described in his novel “Libra” the endless work of sleuthing new information on the president’s death as an effort to draft the “book of America” — the novel “in which nothing is left out.” The same might be said of the Mueller report.

The first half of the report — on efforts by the Russian government to interfere in the 2016 election — is a spy thriller, a high-stakes caper with greed, dirty deals and intrigue straight out of a Cold War potboiler. The second half — on President Trump’s efforts to obstruct Mr. Mueller’s investigation — is a Shakespearean drama about deception and power. But at its core, the 448-page volume is a detective story.

Like most good detective stories, the report actually tells two stories at once. First, there is the tale of what happened: The Russian government worked to reach out to Mr. Trump’s circle and, once he began running for president, his campaign; then, when the F.B.I. and later Mr. Mueller began investigating, Mr. Trump repeatedly sought to undercut the probe.

But nestled in the citations and prosecution or declination decisions for each section, there is the second story, which is closer to what most people think of when they think of a detective novel — the drama of how Mr. Mueller and his team came to uncover that first narrative and what they made of it. Examining footnotes, the reader can trace which information came from which witness — and discover, for example, that Don McGahn, then the White House counsel, provided Mr. Mueller’s office with hours of interviews about the conduct of the president.

Detective stories are usually about order and the collapse of order: The world is shattered by an act of violence, and the detective sets about making things right by turning the crime into something that can be explained. As Ms. Kakutani writes, “At the end of detective stories, order is usually restored with the solving of a crime, and with the identification and prosecution of the perpetrators.”

The Mueller report does provide a framework for understanding just what has happened to America in 2016 and the years since.

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More than a tale about the restoration of order, though, the Mueller investigation is also about the limits of what can be known. Consider, for example, what the report says about Paul Manafort, Mr. Trump’s erstwhile campaign chairman. Mr. Manafort, writes Mr. Mueller, shared polling data produced by the campaign with a man known very likely to be connected to Russian military intelligence. The subplot is full of possibility, but it ends up leading nowhere. Mr. Mueller writes that his office “could not reliably determine Manafort’s purpose” in sharing the information, in part because Mr. Manafort and his colleagues used encrypted messaging to communicate with one another.

Or there’s the question of what Mr. Trump knew or didn’t know about his campaign’s communications with individuals linked to the Russian government, and whether he was truthful in his written answers.

In this, the Mueller report fits neatly into a subgenre known as the “metaphysical detective story” — stories that take Sherlock Holmes’s triumphant cracking of the case and turn it upside down, so the detective’s efforts end in the same disorder with which they began. These are mysteries about the impossibility of ever really solving a mystery, or perhaps of knowing anything at all.

The uncertainties that hover around the Mueller report evoke similar themes. How much can be known about what Donald Trump had in mind when he fired James Comey? Was Mr. Trump intent on stopping the Russia investigation, or was his goal to remove an F.B.I. director who irritated him for other reasons? Will the question of what Paul Manafort was up to remain forever unanswered, the information crucial to solving the puzzle lost? And if the full story of the Russia affair remains beyond the reach of explanation, to what extent does this cast doubt on the whole project of restoring order in the first place?

As in the metaphysical detective story, these factual gaps raise broader questions about the detective’s inability to reconstruct the story of the crime. Put crudely, this is the question of what it means that Robert Mueller can’t save the country. It’s how to understand the effect on the stability of American democracy of both the president’s relative impunity at the end of an investigation that strongly implied he may have committed serious crimes and the nation’s inability to come to grips with the fact of interference by a foreign power in an election.

Or to put it another way: Does anything matter?

Mr. Mueller clearly thinks it does. Testifying before the House Intelligence Committee, he became most animated when he spoke about election interference: “I hope this is not the new normal,” he said, “but I fear it is.”

In this way, the Mueller report may turn out to be more of a film noir than anything else. The detective successfully uncovers the plot, only to discover that the society around him is too rotten to do anything about it. For all the missing pieces in this story, the issue is less whether it can be told and more whether anyone cares to listen.

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