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The Trump thread: All things Donald

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Offline Athos_131

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Reply #3620 on: January 08, 2018, 05:25:10 PM

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Reply #3621 on: January 08, 2018, 05:25:50 PM

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Reply #3622 on: January 08, 2018, 05:33:12 PM
Scoop: Trump's secret, shrinking schedule

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The schedules shown to me are different than the sanitized ones released to the media and public.

The schedule says Trump has "Executive Time" in the Oval Office every day from 8am to 11am, but the reality is he spends that time in his residence, watching TV, making phone calls and tweeting.

Trump comes down for his first meeting of the day, which is often an intelligence briefing, at 11am.

That's far later than George W. Bush, who typically arrived in the Oval by 6:45am.

Obama worked out first thing in the morning and usually got into the Oval between 9 and 10am, according to a former senior aide.

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On Tuesday, Trump has his first meeting of the day with Chief of Staff John Kelly at 11am. He then has "Executive Time" for an hour followed by an hour lunch in the private dining room. Then it's another 1 hour 15 minutes of "Executive Time" followed by a 45 minute meeting with National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster. Then another 15 minutes of "Executive Time" before Trump takes his last meeting of the day — a 3:45pm meeting with the head of Presidential Personnel Johnny DeStefano — before ending his official day at 4:15pm.

Other days are fairly similar, unless the president is traveling, in which case the days run longer. On Wednesday this week, for example, the president meets at 11am for his intelligence briefing, then has "Executive Time" until a 2pm meeting with the Norwegian Prime Minister. His last official duty: a video recording with Hope Hicks at 4pm.

On Thursday, the president has an especially light schedule: "Policy Time" at 11am, then "Executive Time" at 12pm, then lunch for an hour, then more "Executive Time" from 1:30pm.

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Reply #3623 on: January 08, 2018, 05:47:44 PM
Trump’s repeated claim: ‘We don’t have a surplus with anybody’

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The Pinocchio Test
Trump said the United States does not have a trade surplus with any countries. But the nation runs a several-billion-dollar surplus for goods with several countries. And the United States has routinely sold more services than it purchases, resulting in a sustained surplus on the services side.

But surpluses aside, Trump also claims that he can turn the trade deficit around by negotiating better trade deals with other nations. But over the course of his first year in office, the trade deficit has increased. Indeed, as we have explained, his claim once again reveals how little the president understands about the key factors for the trade deficit.

We award Trump Four Pinocchios.

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Reply #3624 on: January 08, 2018, 06:38:55 PM
Report: Trump is preparing for an interview with the Russia probe

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That means Trump may have no choice but to speak directly with federal investigators — and that could prove troublesome for a president who has problems with the truth.

“If Trump lies during this interview, he will be guilty of a felony,” Andy Wright, a professor at Savannah Law School, told me.

Uh-oh.

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Reply #3625 on: January 08, 2018, 07:34:21 PM
The President-as-Plaintiff, the Republican Party and the Battering of Norms

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President Donald Trump’s resort to threatened litigation against Steve Bannon and the author and publisher of Fire and Fury brought more attention to the book but it did not, and could not, succeed in suppressing the book’s publication. More to the point, this move was also grossly inconsistent with the responsible conduct of his office. It is another instance of how this president, wholly inexperienced in government, relies recklessly on his tried-and-true Trump Organization tactics in dealing with challenges that he is able to understand only in the most personal of terms. Worse than a tantrum, this is a dereliction of duty and yet another blow to democratic norms.

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What Trump fails to appreciate--what he seemingly will not accept--is that the presidency requires him to subordinate his personal issues, impulses and interests to his public role. It is not open to him as president to use the legal process, even if privately funded, to settle political or personal scores. This is not a question of etiquette or best practice, but of what minimally responsible and ethical conduct in office requires.

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A president is also charged with tending carefully to the disciplined exercise and preservation of his authority. On this score, too, Trump is failing abysmally, regardless of whether he sues. Presidents don’t threaten to sue, or sue, critics. They don’t threaten to sue, or sue, the publishers of their criticism. They don’t do either the one or the other because the individuals holding this office don’t use the law they are sworn to conscientiously and impartially uphold to reward friends and punish enemies. While this constraint applies with special force to the abuse of government legal power, it also encompasses the pursuit of “private” legal claims. Presidents don’t conserve their unique capital by shows of pettiness, vindictiveness or a preoccupation with personal affronts.

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We are back to the question of norms in this presidency—fundamental conceptions of the office, and the informal rules associated with them, that should govern how Trump and those around him discharge their duties. This is the latest illustration of how little Trump grasps these norms. Or he has contempt for them, discerning virtually no distinction between the requirements for running his licensing and entertainment business, and for running the United States government. The president’s choice to use “his lawyers” to pursue “his” legal claims may seem a familiar preoccupation with purely personal concerns. It is virtually identical in its reasoning to Trump’s judgment that he can keep his private business interests intact and even promote them with regular visits to his various properties.

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Now the problem might be seen as only Trump’s, a problem to last as long as a presidency in which this most unusual occupant routinely confuses personal whim with official prerogative. One might imagine that democratic norms will not suffer permanent damage, only a temporary bruising until the next president takes office. On a more pessimistic note, what is once done stands a very fair chance of repetition. The presidents who follow Trump may bring to government no more experience and also fall back in running the government on whatever they learned in the private sector pursuits that earned them their wealth and public notice. The “insider-outsider” dynamic of contemporary politics rewards the candidates who profess contempt for government. In their understanding of government, “norms” are simply biases built into the system, the rules by which the insiders set the rules for their own benefit.

The damage to norms may begin with Trump’s personal outbursts and inclinations, but it does not end there. The acquiescence of congressional Republicans in the president’s conduct, which has sometimes risen to active support, elevates the attack on norms beyond an expression of Trump’s eccentricities. Not a single senior Republican member of Congress has raised a question about the president’s use of threats of litigation against political adversary Bannon or media critic Michael Wolff.

Nor have Republicans dissented from the president’s suggestion on Saturday, which he has made before, that the libel laws should be revised to ease the way for politicians to sue their media critics. Trump has not simply tossed out the possibility. Last May, his chief of staff declared that it was being seriously considered. However absurd the proposition that this president could successfully change the libel laws, it still mattered that he said it, and that his party did not stand against him.

While the president’s party’s silence is less than a clear-cut endorsement, it also allows these assertions—and in the case of the threat-to-sue letters, actions—to stand unchallenged, not clearly and explicitly branded as beyond the pale. The message to the public is: A president can—and maybe should—do this. And indeed most of the commentary has focused on the more prosaic questions of whether the president will in fact sue, and of his prospects for success if he did.

At the same time, senior Republican leaders are openly supporting the president in a vigorous attack on another norm that is, for this president, personally threatening and therefore intolerable. He is raging against disloyal attorneys general, FBI directors and runaway special counsels who would not allow recusal rules or independent investigative judgments to stand in the way of protecting him. Months ago, congressional Republicans mostly declined to help him undermine the norm of executive respect for independent law enforcement. This has changed. What is for Trump a compulsively personalized politics is more and more his party’s politics in which the Department of Justice is discredited as an organ of the deep state.



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« Last Edit: January 08, 2018, 07:47:05 PM by Athos_131 »

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Offline Northwest

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Reply #3626 on: January 09, 2018, 03:48:25 PM
This in neither hyperbolic nor abstract . We are facing an existential threat to the nation, and it comes from within rather than outside. Trump is a test, and we are failing in spectacular fashion. This is a quick read, well written and prophetic.

Wolff's Book Is a Reminder of Hitler's Frightening Ascent
By Richard Cohen

About halfway through Michael Wolff's new book on Donald Trump, I had the sense that all this was familiar. As the pages flew by -- and the reading is both alarming and delicious -- the sense of deja vu became even more pronounced. At the three-quarters mark, I realized where I had read all this before: William L. Shirer's "The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich."

A quick caveat, please. I am not likening Donald Trump to Adolf Hitler. Trump is not an anti-Semite, crazed or otherwise, and he is not really a fascist (although he sometimes acts like one). And -- just to round out the differences -- he never saw combat, but instead ducked the draft, which is presumably what geniuses do.

But in any reading of the rise of Nazi Germany, you come to a dead stop: How did this happen? How did a nut like Hitler -- a world-class narcissist only recently overshadowed -- manage to take over one of the world's most advanced and civilized nations? The question becomes particularly acute when you consider the jumble of criminals, incompetents and ideological zealots he had around him. One answer to the question is that others in Germany thought Hitler could prove useful.

Much the same thing happened in the United States with Trump. The revelations in Wolff's book are, except for the gamey details, not particularly revelatory. Trump was always a poster boy of the selfish, egomaniacal, ignorant, bragging, cruel rich kid, whose mirror was the sleazy pages of Rupert Murdoch's New York Post. Trump's oxygen was the leaked item, without which he would die the suffocating death of being shown to a bad table.

All this was known about Trump -- that and his sly approach to women. But by the time Trump ran for president, he had also mounted the attack on Barack Obama that charged -- against all evidence -- that the African-American president was African only. This was a revolting and racist allegation to which Trump, to the knowledge of those who have recently asked him about it, still clings. The man's true religion is a farrago of conspiracy theories. He believes, sincerely, in the unbelievable.

Nevertheless, when Trump declared his candidacy -- and especially after he won the GOP nomination -- much of the Republican Party collapsed out of moral exhaustion. Oh, here and there, the occasional Republican spoke out -- Jeff Flake and John McCain, for instance -- but most of the party fell into line. It often lacked enthusiasm, I grant you, but it rarely expressed outrage.

Ironically, this is Lyndon Johnson's doing. When he predicted that his civil rights legislation would cost the Democratic Party its Southern base, he did not realize that he was really dooming the Republican Party. He shooed the region's racists and nationalists into the GOP, where they have festered and dominated. The result is a party that today is infected with (disguised) racism and (undisguised) xenophobia and remains largely steadfast against science and the reproductive rights of women. Moderates have become accustomed to looking away.

When Orrin Hatch recently announced his retirement, he proudly called himself a fighter. Just in case you missed the point, he then cited Trump as saying so. But this self-proclaimed fighter swanned his song like a chicken. He said nothing more about Trump, who stinks up his party with his daily lies, childish name-calling and impatience with the Constitution. Republicans remain silent because Trump is doing what they want -- lowering taxes on the rich, eviscerating regulations, bulldozing the environment and insisting that a woman's body is not her own.

The Trump presidency that Wolff describes in virtually pornographic detail was the creation not just of Donald Trump but of all the people who failed to oppose him. These are the people who ducked the greatest political test this nation has faced since the Civil War -- who enabled the election of a man whose sanity is now questioned but whose incompetence never was. It is not true that Trump is nobody's fool. He is the GOP's.

The reference to Germany is jarring, I know, but once again the sane thought they could control the insane, the conventional were thrilled by the unconventional, the rich were assured they would remain so and a collection of political naifs bought into the Mar-a-Lago political bordello, thinking it was Monticello. Michael Wolff tells a frightening tale. It is all the more frightening because it has been told before.

https://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2018/01/09/wolffs_book_is_a_reminder_of_hitlers_frightening_ascent_135952.html



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Reply #3627 on: January 09, 2018, 11:44:27 PM
What didn’t Republicans want you to see in the Fusion GPS transcript?

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First, it makes clear that Steele was engaged because of his expertise and contacts. He was not told to find anything in particular, but just to research the totality of Trump’s involvement in Russia.

Second, according to Simpson, Trump was doing business all over the former Soviet states of Georgia and Azerbaijan. Interestingly, Trump repeatedly denied having financial ties in Russia itself but never publicly denied operations in states in which Russians exercised substantial influence.

Third, in investigating Trump’s finances they found his properties were not as highly valued as he suggested and, in the case of several golf courses, weren’t making money.

Fourth, Steele took it upon himself to report his finding to the FBI because he believed there was a “crime in progress” and matter of national security. He later relayed to Simpson that the FBI already had information from a campaign source.

Fifth, Trump lied about not knowing who Felix Sater is. Simpson testified, “This was something he didn’t want to talk about and testified under oath he wouldn’t know Felix if he ran into him in the street. That was not true. He knew him well and, in fact, continued to associate with him long after he learned of Felix’s organized crime ties. So, you know, that tells you something about somebody.” We do not know if Sater was in fact tied to organized crime.

Sixth, Simpson called it a reasonable “interpretation” that the Trump Tower meeting was designed by Russian officials to reach out to and cooperate with the Trump team.

Seventh, far from interfering in the election to benefit Hillary Clinton, the FBI did not publicly disclose during the campaign the wealth of information it was learning about Trump and Russia.

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Jennifer Rubin writes the Right Turn blog for The Post, offering reported opinion from a conservative perspective.

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Offline Athos_131

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Reply #3628 on: January 11, 2018, 02:22:24 AM

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Reply #3629 on: January 11, 2018, 02:23:11 AM

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Reply #3630 on: January 11, 2018, 02:23:51 AM

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Reply #3631 on: January 11, 2018, 02:27:17 AM

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Reply #3632 on: January 11, 2018, 02:53:09 AM

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Reply #3633 on: January 11, 2018, 02:54:07 AM

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Reply #3634 on: January 11, 2018, 11:59:54 PM

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Reply #3635 on: January 12, 2018, 12:00:32 AM

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Reply #3636 on: January 12, 2018, 12:06:24 AM
Congress advances bill to renew NSA surveillance program after Trump briefly upstages key vote

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Instead, the greater threat to the fate of Section 702 came from the president himself, in a series of contradictory and seemingly misinformed tweets he fired off after watching a segment about the bill on the Fox News Channel.

“‘House votes on controversial FISA ACT today,’” Trump wrote, citing a Fox News headline. “This is the act that may have been used, with the help of the discredited and phony Dossier, to so badly surveil and abuse the Trump Campaign by the previous administration and others?”

Trump attempted to walk back the tweet about 90 minutes later, urging lawmakers to reauthorize the program. But top Democrats seized on the confusion, calling on Republican leaders to withdraw the bill from consideration “in light of the irresponsible and inherently contradictory messages coming out of the White House today,” Rep. Adam B. Schiff (Calif.), the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, said on the floor.

Republicans seemed undeterred by Democrats’ demands, plowing ahead with planned votes on the bill and a sole amendment to it Thursday morning. But behind the scenes, the president’s mixed messages sent shock waves through the House GOP, which was gathered for a regular conference meeting when Trump sent his initial tweet.

The president’s chief of staff, John F. Kelly, scrambled to the Hill, while panicked aides alerted Trump to the firestorm his tweets had caused. The president was seemingly misinformed about the nature of the vote and the substance of the bill, people said.

Eventually, Trump called House Speaker Paul D. Ryan (R-Wis.), and they spoke for a half hour. After the House vote, Ryan insisted to reporters that Trump “knows what 702 is” and simply “has concerns on FISA.”

When Trump issued his second tweet, House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) alerted the GOP conference to it, calming lawmakers’ nerves.

But top Democrats on the House and Senate intelligence committees had already seized on the president’s first tweet, excoriating it as “irresponsible” and “untrue.”

“FISA is something the President should have known about long before he turned on Fox this morning,” Sen. Mark R. Warner (Va.), the ranking Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, tweeted after Trump’s post.

In his second tweet, Trump seemed to backtrack, pushing for the act to be re-upped.

“With that being said, I have personally directed the fix to the unmasking process since taking office and today’s vote is about foreign surveillance of foreign bad guys on foreign land. We need it! Get smart!” Trump wrote on Twitter.

It is unclear how Trump “personally directed the fix to the unmasking process since taking office,” especially because the bill’s sponsor, House Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes (R-Calif.), stripped the major changes to unmasking procedures from the measure before presenting it for a vote by the full House.


What an idiot.

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Offline Athos_131

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Reply #3637 on: January 13, 2018, 02:26:59 AM
Donald Trump tried to show you he’s sane and stable. His week became a running fiasco

I'm not sure if this or Infrastructure Week was more fun.  

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Reply #3638 on: January 13, 2018, 02:48:04 AM


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Reply #3639 on: January 13, 2018, 05:37:09 AM
Sara is just an idiot......
I just hope she doesn't actually believe the crap she spews at those press conferences. I actually feel sorry for her, when Trump leaves office, she not only will not have a job (well maybe at Fox) but she will be the laughing stock of the news / press media (most likely untouchable to any news station that has a decent reputation).

Love,
Liz